Yemen's constitutional system provides for legislative, executive and judicial powers, elected local councils and a central administration. Arabic is the official language, Islam is the state religion and Islamic law is described as the main source of legislation. The House of Representatives has 301 seats, and the Council of Ministers is formally the highest executive and administrative body. Sana'a remains the formal capital. A draft constitution prepared in 2015 was not ratified. The internationally recognized government is represented at the highest level by the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC). On 7 April 2022, President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi transferred his powers to the eight-member PLC, chaired by Rashad al-Alimi. Its government and parliament operate mainly from Aden and claim formal authority across Yemen, but their effective reach varies by region. Ansar Allah, commonly called the Houthis, controls Sana'a and large parts of northern and western Yemen through a Supreme Political Council and parallel administrative, security, judicial, tax and permit structures. These de facto authorities are not internationally recognized as Yemen's government. Yemen is formally divided into 22 governorates, including Amanat Al Asimah, and 333 districts. Governors, district directors, local authorities, local councils and ministry branch offices carry out the formal territorial administration. Their staff, funding, responsibilities and ability to provide services differ sharply between governorates and control zones. Tribal mediation, local elites, armed groups and humanitarian organizations also influence how people obtain services or resolve disputes. The Civil Registration Authority operates through structures in both main control zones. Identity cards, birth certificates, passports and residence or address records may therefore involve different authorities, documents, fees and processing times. Displacement, missing papers, checkpoints and movement restrictions can prevent access even when a formal procedure exists. Basic services often depend on local authorities together with United Nations or non-governmental organizations, and Yemen has no reliable nationwide service standard. Public finance is also divided. Internationally recognized government revenue fell by about 30% year on year in the first half of 2025 amid an oil-export blockade, reduced grants, spending cuts and delayed salaries. Its public debt exceeded 100% of GDP by mid-2025. Governorates retain some revenue and customs income, while the Central Bank of Yemen in Aden manages foreign-exchange and import-tax functions for its area. The Central Bank of Yemen in Sana'a operates in a separate Houthi-controlled financial and regulatory space. Parallel taxes, cash-based transactions and liquidity shortages mean that charges and payment conditions depend on the authority, zone and market prices. Formal oversight includes budget and executive scrutiny by the House of Representatives, public-expenditure audits and investigations by the Central Organization for Control and Audit (COCA), and corruption-prevention work by the Supreme National Authority for Combating Corruption (SNACC), including asset declarations and referrals. The National Commission of Inquiry documents alleged violations by all conflict parties. In practice, access to information, institutional independence, enforcement and legal remedies are inconsistent across Yemen. The Constitution formally protects equality, expression, association and political participation and recognizes duties such as paying public dues and contributing to national defence. Civic space has nevertheless narrowed in both main control zones. Journalists, non-governmental organizations, political opponents and people who criticize authorities online face risks including censorship, summonses, arbitrary detention and intimidation. At least 73 United Nations personnel had been detained in areas controlled by Ansar Allah since 2025, further restricting humanitarian access. Yemen has formal armed forces and ministries of defence and interior, but no single authority exercises an effective nationwide monopoly on force. Houthi forces and security bodies operate in the north, while internationally recognized government forces, Southern Transitional Council forces, Nation Shield forces, local armed groups and tribal formations operate in parts of the south and east. Their mandates and loyalties can overlap. Armed conflict, drones and missiles, mines and improvised explosive devices, kidnapping, checkpoints and threats to shipping in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab create risks that formal legal rights do not reliably prevent. A United Nations arms embargo applies to the Houthis, and access to police or military protection is not uniform across Yemen.
State in Yemen
Yemen is formally a sovereign, united and indivisible republic under the 1991 Constitution, revised in 2001. In practice, state authority is divided between the internationally recognized government based mainly in Aden and Ansar Allah's de facto authorities based mainly in Sana'a and northern and western Yemen. Administrative access, public services, documents, payments and security depend heavily on the controlling authority and the local conflict situation.
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