Can voters currently register for a nationwide election in Sudan?

No active nationwide voter-registration period has been reliably documented. The current register, registration timetable and operation of the responsible election body have not been verified.

What eligibility and registration evidence did voters need under Sudan’s national election rules?

Historical rules generally required Sudanese citizenship, age 18 or older, mental competence, at least three months of constituency residence and proof of identity, eligibility and residence. Witnesses, traditional authorities or local administrative structures could sometimes support registration when documents were missing, while special rules for military personnel, nomadic people and internally displaced people remained uncertain.

How did Sudan’s 2015 national election system divide presidential and National Assembly voting?

The president was elected directly, with a second round between the leading two candidates if no one received more than 50 percent. National Assembly seats used 50 percent first-past-the-post constituencies, 30 percent closed proportional-representation lists for women and 20 percent closed proportional-representation party lists.

Elections in Sudan

Q: Which body organized national elections in Sudan, and what is its current status?

The National Elections Commission historically organized registration, polling, counting and referendums through structures in the 18 states. Its current re-establishment, independence and operational capacity are not reliably confirmed.

Sudan has a formal legal framework for national elections, but it currently has no reliably documented nationwide election process, election date, voter-registration period or candidate-registration period. The last nationwide vote took place from 13 to 16 April 2015 and covered the presidency and National Assembly. The war since April 2023, displacement and fragmented state functions make current electoral access and the operation of election bodies uncertain.

Tip

For anyone in Sudan who wants to vote or participate, the immediate issue is whether a lawful and operational national election process exists. Do not rely on the 2015 rules, unofficial registration offers or an unverified election date before spending money, travelling or submitting identity documents.

byNahla&Khalid

Sudan’s electoral framework is based mainly on the National Elections Act 2008 and later amendments, although some provisions and the 2018 amendment have been legally disputed. The 2019 Constitutional Charter replaced the 2005 Interim Constitution and planned a transition toward elections after 39 months. It also envisaged a new election commission appointed by the Sovereignty Council after consultation with the Cabinet. A draft election commission law prepared before the October 2021 coup was not enacted. Constitutional amendments published by the Ministry of Justice on 23 February 2025 entered into force, but the current election rules and timetable have not been reliably verified. The National Elections Commission (NEC) historically organized voter registration, elections and referendums through structures in the 18 states. Its current re-establishment, independence and operational capacity are not reliably confirmed. No current voter register, polling schedule, candidate-registration period, observer-accreditation process, election budget or nationwide security plan has been verified. The ongoing war has disrupted political institutions, displaced people and divided state functions, so historical procedures cannot be treated as a current basis for voting. Under the historical rules, a Sudanese citizen aged 18 or older who was mentally competent could register. The person generally needed at least three months of residence in the constituency before registration closed and had to show identity, eligibility and residence documents. Where documents were missing, witnesses, a traditional authority or a local administrative structure could sometimes provide confirmation. Military personnel and nomadic people were exempt from the three-month residence condition, but the applicable special procedures were unclear. Registration abroad was limited to non-geographic elections or referendums, and access was difficult for refugees because of passport and valid-residence requirements. The position of internally displaced people was not clearly resolved. Historically, the NEC checked the register about three months before an election or referendum. Provisional lists were made public, and a person could submit a written objection within seven days. A judge-led committee for each constituency was expected to decide within five days. One person could be registered in only one geographic constituency. Constituency boundaries were linked to census data, could not cross state borders and aimed for population differences of no more than 15 percent. The 2008 census used for earlier boundaries was contested because of conflict and gaps in displaced-population data; current boundary delimitation has not been verified. The 13–16 April 2015 elections illustrate the former national system. The president was elected directly, with a second round between the two leading candidates if no candidate exceeded 50 percent. National Assembly seats used a parallel model: 50 percent first-past-the-post constituencies, 30 percent closed proportional-representation lists for women and 20 percent closed proportional-representation party lists. The election took place amid a boycott and restricted political competition, so its formal design did not guarantee broad practical choice. Historical presidential candidates had to be Sudanese by birth, at least 40 years old, literate, mentally competent and free from relevant convictions. A candidate needed support from 15,000 registered voters across at least two-thirds of the 18 states, with at least 200 supporters in each participating state. The historical deposit was 10,000 SDG and was returned when a candidate received more than 10 percent of the vote or withdrew within 45 days. Current nomination fees, deadlines and access conditions are not known. Historical campaign rules prohibited financial support from foreign states and organizations, while domestic private donations were allowed but anonymous donations were not. Parties and candidates had to disclose funding sources and expenditure within 30 days after the final result and were subject to audit. Equal free access to public media was provided in the legal framework, and state financing was possible, although distribution rules were unclear. The 2015 election was fully state-funded and had a reported NEC budget of 800 million SDG; that figure does not establish a current cost or budget. Voting was historically secret. State high committees, returning officers and constituency election officers handled registration, polling, sorting and counting. Election, registration, candidate and boundary complaints were legally possible, but the National Elections Act did not create a separate dispute-resolution chapter. Standing was limited to directly affected parties, the competent bodies and appeal deadlines were unclear, and historical complaints were sometimes taken to prosecutors or courts. Legal protections for political participation, secrecy and freedom from coercion remain relevant, but the war severely limits their practical availability.